Presenting Author: M. Dalal Safa
Migration is a complex phenomenon experienced by millions of families worldwide (Czaika & Hass, 2014). Migration induces changes at the family level, including adjusted roles and responsibilities for adults and children (Schoon, 2009). In addition, social relationships and typical patterns of children’s socialization within the family are altered. In turn, these changes can influence children’s development. Historically, the impact of migration was predominantly studied on the receiving countries and on migrants and their families in the countries of immigration (e.g., Safa et al., 2018; Yeh, 2003). More recently, the consequences of migration for left-behind families has received increasingly more attention (e.g., Antman, 2012; Cortes, 2015). Little is known, however, regarding the socio-emotional consequences for left-behind children. We are investigating the impact of familial migration on social competence and adjustment problems among children and adolescents left behind. We present pilot data from our large migration study in Mexico and Nepal (in progress). We collected data on 120 8- to 17-year olds (Mage = 12.50 years, SDage = 2.88; 50% female) via parent/caregiver interviews (N = 120; Mage = 37.99 years, SDage = 8.28; 94% female). We also obtained self-reports for participants 11-years old and older (n = 84). Parents/caregivers reported demographic and migration information. Adults and children completed two culturally adapted scales developed through expert feedback and focus groups in each country. Adults and children verbally rated children using our Social Competence Scale (24 items; e.g., “You get along with children in your community”; αs > .74) and our Adjustment Problems Scale (13 items; e.g., “You hit or kick others”; αs > .59) on a 1 = never true to 5 = always true scale. Many families in Mexico (27.1%) and Nepal (53.3%) reported having current migrants in the family. The number (0 to 4 per family) and identity (Figure 1) of current migrants varied. Most migrants were children’s close relatives in Mexico and parents in Nepal. We examined mean differences in children’s social competence and adjustment problems between families that reported having current migrants vs. not having current migrants (Table 1). In Nepal, adult-reported adjustment problems were significantly lower, and child-reported adjustment problems were marginally lower for children in families that had current migrants. In Mexico, adult-reported social competence was significantly lower for children in families that had current migrants. Findings, although preliminary, suggest familial migration may undermine social competence in Mexico, but prevent psychological maladjustment in Nepal. Thus, highlighting that familial migration might lead to family-level changes that may inhibit (e.g., limited communication and interactions with migrants, adjusted roles and responsibilities) or promote (e.g., additional income, access to resources) children’s development. These findings underscore the importance of examining familial migration’s impact on children’s and adolescents’ development in diverse contexts. Results will be further discussed relative to the unique contexts (e.g., levels of economic development, migration histories and routes, cultural socialization norms) in which Mexican and Nepali children develop.